Palma Hall 109
21 October 2004
9 am - 12 nn

Abstact

To many Filipinos, Mindanao is noted for its Muslim secessionist movements and the so-called Mindanao problem. But unknown to many, inter-marriage has found its way among the two major groups in Mindanao which had a long history of prejudice and conflict - the Muslims and the Christians.

While there are studies on Muslim-Christian intermarriages in the provinces of Lanao, Cotabato, and Jolo, these are focused on the intermarried couples. This study addresses the gap left in the literature of Muslim-Christian intermarriage in Mindanao. It focuses on the dynamic nature and processes of ethnic identity among offspring of Muslim-Christian intermarriages. Marginal Maranao, more known as ‘mestiza/mestizo’ Maranao are the interesting subjects in this social investigation because of their peculiar status in occupying dual membership of Muslim and Christian groups.

A total of 72 male and female college students in Iligan City participated in the research process either in interview, focus group discussions, and life story method which were conducted between 2000 to 2003.

The study attempts to understand the complex and dynamic phenomenon of ethnic identity of marginal Maranao. Guided by an eclectic perspective which combines concepts from various theories in ethnic identity family, community/society, and gender, data were analyzed with the following results:

• Ethnic identity among marginal Maranao is multi-dimensional as indicated in its three major components: self-ethnic definition, cultural and religious components, and evaluative components.
  
  
• There are three types of self-ethnic definitions found among marginal Maranao: Maranao/Muslim; Christian; mestizo /mestiza or half Maranao. Some are consistent but most are flexible with their self-ethnic designations depending on the people they are with and the place they are in. The bases of their self-claimed ethnic identity are their parents, place of origin, religion, and culture.
  
  
• Marginal Maranao have either internalized Maranao culture, Christian/Cebuano culture, or both. The type of family they were raised with and the setting of community they resided are major factors of their culture. They are flexible in their cultural practices, adjusting to the persons they are with or the community they are situated. Most common ethnic identifiers are names, dress (among women), dialect and accent.
  
  
• Marginal Maranao have either Islam, Christian or both religion. Familial structures and relations are determinants of their religion. Manyadopted one religion, others have shifted from one religion to another, and some have learned to combine two religions and use them in appropriate situation and setting.
  
  
• Marginal Maranao find various meanings in their complex ethnic identity by defining it in terms of advantages and difficulties. Gender marks some differences in the identified pros and cons of their marginal status.
  
  
• To some marginal Maranao the major components are consistent and interrelated with each other. That is, when they consider themselves Maranao, their religion is Islam, their culture is Maranao, they have positive feelings and sentiments of their ethnic identity. To others, they have components which are contradicting and shifting. They claim to be Maranao yet their religion is Christian and they are not well versed with Maranao culture.
  
  
• Ethnic identity of Marginal Maranao is dynamic and situational. Such dynamism is reflected in the affirming and shifting strategies that marginal Maranao resort to. Common components prone to shift are self-ethnic designation, dialect, mode of dressing, and behavior especially among women. Religious and cultural shifts are also prevalent.
  
  
• Ethnic shifts are situational as marginal Maranao alter or modify their ethnic identity depending on how they perceive the situations they are in, the ethnicity of the group with and the community they are in. They may select the ethnic identity most advantageous to them.
  
  
• Changes in familial structures and setting of community may lead to changes in religion and culture, either temporarily or permanently. In situations where there are changes in the head of the family, in the relatives influential to the family, in the custody of the informants, and in the family residence, a shift in ethnic identity emerges.
  
  
• Ethnic identity among marginal Maranao is not singular and homogenous, rather varied. The typology of their ethnic identity is based on the religion and culture they have internalized or opted to follow.
  
  
• Shifts in ethnic identity are found in religion and culture and are either temporary or permanent, depending on the familial and community structures where marginal Maranao are situated.
  
  
• Gender marks the differences in how marginal Maranao express their ethnic identity. Marginal Maranao women have more visible symbols of their ethnic identity than their male counterparts.
  
  

Towards the end, the study recommends studying ethnic identity among other marginal belonging to other Muslim groups in Mindanao such as Maguindanao and Tausog. A conceptual model is proposed which identifies familial and community structures as important variables in the construction of ethnic identity among marginal men and women.